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Reproductive Freedom News

December 2000
Volume IX
Number 12

Cartoon published with permission of Jeff Danziger.

Worldwide
When Justice Fails: A Tragedy in Peru Triggers Human Rights Activism

In the States
Whoever the President, Voters Support the Right to Choose

On the Hill
Global Gag Rule Hangs in the Balance

Supreme Court
Center for Reproductive Rights to Supreme Court: Please Close the TRAP

On the Docket
Louisiana Abortion Ban Blocked

Indiana Medicaid Restrictions Found Unconstitutional

Cover: When Justice Fails: A Tragedy in Peru Triggers Human Rights Activism

For the second time in two years, the Center for Reproductive Rights, in collaboration with partner organizations, has turned to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) for a fair and impartial resolution to reproductive rights violations that took place in Peru. In both cases, initial efforts to procure justice were either ignored or thwarted in Peru's local and national court systems.

Take the case of Mamerita Mestanza, an economically impoverished woman who lived with her common-law husband and seven children in a rural Peruvian community. Mestanza frequently used the local public health center for her family's health care needs. Beginning in 1996 (and particularly whenever she took her children in for vaccinations), the center's personnel would ask her to undergo a sterilization procedure. At first, Mestanza refused them. Then they turned up the pressure.

The health care personnel insisted on numerous occasions that Mestanza would "stay poor" if she continued to have more children and that she should "be cured" of getting pregnant. They asked her husband for permission to sterilize her, as though it was a decision for him to make. Finally, they threatened to denounce her to the police, falsely alleging that there was a Peruvian law against having more than five children, saying that Mestanza and her husband could have to pay a fine and go to jail if they continued to break the law. At that point Mestanza agreed to the procedure.

On March 26, 1998, Mestanza was transported, along with five other women, to the public hospital in Cajamarca, where they underwent tubal ligations. According to the testimony of one woman, they were required to sign a "consent form" that was not read or explained to them.

Following the procedure, Mestanza began experiencing vomiting and intense headaches. Still, she was discharged the same day. In the following days, she continued to experience serious complications, but every time her husband asked for help from the health center, the doctors insisted that Mestanza was simply experiencing the effects of the anesthesia and sent him away. Mestanza died on April 4, 1998, seven days after the procedure.

Shortly thereafter, her husband filed criminal charges against the chief of the health center. A year later, the Peruvian court dismissed the case. At that point, three Latin American human rights groups - CLADEM (the Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defense of Women's Rights), APRODEH (the Association for Human Rights) and DEMUS (the Office for the Defense of Women's Rights) - stepped in and filed a complaint with the IACHR. They requested an investigation, asserting that this was not an isolated case of medical malpractice but, rather, an example of a systematic practice of forced sterilization directed toward women living in areas of extreme poverty in Peru.

The discriminatory practices of Peru's National Program on Sexual and Reproductive Health have been documented in a 1999 fact-finding study conducted by CLADEM titled Nada Personal [Nothing Personal], and by a 1998 investigation by Peru's Ombudsman's office, conducted after numerous complaints were filed with that office. Those reports show that the government, beginning in 1996, encouraged doctors to perform a certain number of sterilization procedures each year. While recent investigations indicate that sterilization "quotas or goals" are no longer officially encouraged, the Ombudsman's office published a second report in April 2000 indicating that human rights violations related to forced sterilization practices continued to occur through 1999.

Initially, the Peruvian government responded to the petitioners' complaint by asking the IACHR to dismiss the case on grounds that the petitioners had not exhausted national-level remedies. At that point, the Center for Reproductive Rights and the Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL) joined forces with the three Latin American groups. In April 2000, they issued a reply brief to the IACHR further articulating the violations to Mestanza's right to give informed consent to medical treatment and to her right to life, health, privacy and non-discrimination under the American Convention on Human Rights and other international human rights treaties. In October the IACHR confirmed that it will hear the Mestanza case.

By 1999, the IACHR had processed over 12,000 cases. However, only a handful of those cases have involved violations of women's rights, and none had specifically entailed reproductive rights violations.

But last year, in a precedent-setting decision, the Commission agreed to hear a reproductive rights case petitioned by the Center for Reproductive Rights, CLADEM and CEJIL involving Marina Machaca, a rural Peruvian woman who was raped by a doctor in a public health facility. By March 2000, the Commission had succeeded in facilitating a settlement in which the government agreed to make reparations to Machaca and to study ways to improve the treatment of sexual abuse victims within Peru's judicial and public health systems.

"Fortunately, women in Latin America can turn to the Commission when national courts fail to protect their reproductive rights," says the Center for Reproductive Rights' staff attorney Luisa Cabal, who represented Machaca before the IAHCR. "We are very pleased that the Commission has also agreed to take up the case involving Mamerita Mestanza and her family. It will be the first time that the Commission has dealt with rights violations involving sterilization and informed consent."

- Ann Farmer

See also Silence and Complicity for more information about the Marina Machaca case.

The following rights found in the major human rights treaties of the Inter-American system are among those that the Center for Reproductive Rights and its partners are asserting in the Mamerita case now before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

"Every person has the right to have his life respected. This right shall be protected by law …. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life." - Article 4, American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR)

"Every person has the right to have his physical, mental, and moral integrity respected." - Article 5, ACHR

"Everyone has the right to have his honor respected and his dignity recognized. No one may be the object of arbitrary or abusive interference with his private life, his family, his home …. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks." - Article 11, ACHR

"Everyone shall have the right to health, understood to mean the enjoyment of the highest level of physical, mental and social well-being .... the States Parties agree to recognize health as a public good and, particularly, to ... ensure ... satisfaction of the health needs of the highest risk groups and of those whose poverty makes them the most vulnerable." - Article 10, Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women

The Inter-American Commission of Human Rights Is Not a Court

It is an autonomous organ of the 35-member Organization of American States that was created for the protection and promotion of human rights. This permanent body meets several times a year to examine complaints or petitions regarding specific cases of human rights violations. For the select number of cases they choose to pursue, the seven-member panel attempts to facilitate settlements between the parties involved. When parties fail to reach a settlement, the IACHR may refer the case on to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Global Mechanisms for Justice Seekers

  1. The European Court of Human Rights has addressed multiple gender and reproductive rights cases during its 46 years in operation.

  2. The Optional Protocol, which was recently created by the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), enters into effect in 2001 and will allow individuals to bring cases against countries that have ratified the Women's Convention (and the Optional Protocol) but are failing to respect or protect women's rights.

  3. The Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights also offers a complaint mechanism to individuals whose rights have been violated.
Exit polls indicate that 54% of women voters marked their ballot for Al Gore, the candidate who promised to uphold a woman's right to choose.
Whoever the President, Voters Support the Right to Choose

While the final tally for the next president of the United States remains unresolved as this story goes to print, certain election results clearly chart the path the next U.S. president should take regarding women's reproductive rights.

Exit polls indicate that 54% of women voters marked their ballot for Al Gore, the candidate who promised to uphold a woman's right to choose. The Senate also gained a pro-choice majority for the first time in six years.

Polls also show that while the popular vote went to Gore for his stand on the issues, Bush derived his support mainly through issues of personality and by his distance from the Washington-based scandals that have rocked the current administration. That said, if Bush attains the presidency, he should deliver on his promise of integrity and follow the pro-choice will of the people.

Actions an Anti-Choice President Can Take to Limit Access to Reproductive Health Services

  • Appoint anti-choice Justices to the Supreme Court.
  • Appoint anti-choice judges to the U.S. Court of Appeals and District Court, as well as to lower federal courts that also shape constitutional law.
  • Impose Gag Rule on family planning providers, in the U.S. and abroad, thereby censoring information on the abortion option.
  • Appoint a new FDA Commissioner to reconsider mifespristone (RU-486) approval and impose restrictions on its use.
  • Allow religious institutions to apply for federal family planning contracts and to use "conscience clauses" to opt out of providing or referring for reproductive health care, including abortion and sterilization.
  • Allow pharmacists to refuse to provide emergency contraception.
  • Withdraw federal marshals from protecting abortion clinics and providers.

    Actions A Pro-Choice President Can Take To Protect A Woman's Right To Choose

  • Increase U.S. funding for international family planning and reproductive health services abroad.
  • Propose legislation to abolish the Helms Amendment, which restricts U.S. funds for legal abortion services abroad.
  • Appoint pro-choice officials to cabinet level positions including Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services and Attorney General.
  • Approve U.S. funding for abortions abroad in cases of rape, incest and life endangerment, which is already permitted (but has not yet been funded) under exceptions to the Helms amendment.
  • Provide increased protection for doctors who perform abortions.
  • Encourage research on medical abortion options, fetal stem cell research, and new contraceptive technologies.
  • Increase funding for Title X family planning services and for comprehensive sex education.

Pro-Choice Gains in Congress

Pro-Choice Mixed Anti-Choice
Outgoing Senate 34 16 50
Incoming Senate 37 16 47
Outgoing House* 136 82 215
Incoming House 140 78 217
*There were two vacant seats at the time of the 2000 election.

On the Hill

Global Gag Rule Hangs in the Balance

To anyone who thinks the fight against the "global gag rule" was won … think again. When Congress eliminated gag rule language from the recently passed fiscal year 2001 foreign operations appropriations bill, anti-choice members left an opening for re-imposing the restrictions. And now, with the possibility of George W. Bush being elected president, that opening appears more like a chasm.

What happened was this: the same hard-line members of Congress who imposed global gag rule language in last year's appropriations bill decided to avoid President Clinton's almost certain veto of this year's appropriations bill had it again included gag language. The gag rule prohibits foreign recipients of funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) from using their own money to perform legal abortions or advocate for abortion rights. Not only did Congress nix the gag language but it increased USAID support for family planning organizations to $425 million.

However, appearances can be deceiving. Anti-choice members shrewdly inserted a clause that prevents the funds from being available before February 15, 2001, thereby giving the incoming president the option of reinstating the gag rule through executive order, as Presidents Reagan and Bush did from 1984 to 1993.

While it remains to be seen if George W. Bush will win the presidency and follow in his father's footsteps, it does seem likely this anti-choice gamble could pay off. During the presidential race, Bush campaign spokesman Ray Sullivan commented, "Governor Bush does not favor using federal funds for abortion or abortion-related counseling at home or abroad." But he refused to speculate on whether Bush would reinstate the even broader gag restrictions of the past year.

At the same time, should Al Gore become president, it is likely that members of the Republican-dominated Congress will continue attempts to impose gag rule restrictions on future family planning funding.

The sad fact is, says Center for Reproductive Rights President Janet Benshoof, "this U.S. legislation is killing women and killing democracy." Last year's gag rule forced approximately 430 organizations in more than fifty nations to "agree" not to use their own non-U.S. funds to speak about abortion law reform or perform legal abortions except in cases of rape, incest or if the woman's life in endangered. Both activities are constitutionally protected in the United States. And it's widely known that abortion restrictions do not stop abortions from occurring, they merely push them underground at a cost to women's health and lives.

- Ann Farmer

Global Gag Rule Timeline

1967 Congress passes the Foreign Assistance Act to provide funding for voluntary population planning overseas.

1973 The Foreign Assistance Act is amended (the Helms Amendment) to restrict federal funding of abortions overseas.

1984 President Reagan imposes a gag rule that becomes known as the "Mexico City Policy" as it's announced during an international conference on population held there. This gag rule prohibits the recipients of USAID funds from using their own money to perform or actively promote abortions as a method of family planning.

1993 President Clinton abolishes the "Mexico City Policy" as one of his first presidential acts.

1994 USAID international family planning funding for FY1995 hits an all-time high of $541.6 million.

1995 USAID international family planning funding for FY1996 drops precipitously to $356 million under Republican-dominated Congress. For the next three years, the family planning budget hovers at $385 million despite efforts by pro-family planning members to increase it.

1999 Congress attaches new global gag rule restrictions to the FY2000 foreign operations appropriations bill, making the restrictions law for one year. Clinton is able to waive the restrictions for $15 million of the $385 million allotted to family planning, but this action triggers a penalty, reducing the total family planning budget to $372.5 million, the lowest in four years.

2000 Despite efforts by anti-choice members to reinstate the gag rule language, Congress passes the FY2001 foreign operations appropriations bill without gag restrictions, allocating $425 million to USAID international family planning funds. However, the funding will be withheld until February 15, 2001 to allow the next president the option of reinstating the gag rule through executive order, as Presidents Reagan and Bush did from 1984 to 1993.

Supreme Court

Center for Reproductive Rights to Supreme Court: Please Close the TRAP

The Center for Reproductive Rights is petitioning the U.S. Supreme Court to hear a case in which South Carolina legislators have obstructed women's access to abortion through Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP) provisions.

Sometime in 1996, Dr. Terry Buffkin and other abortion providers in the state of South Carolina received in the mail a document issued by the Department of Health and Environmental Control (DHEC) containing thirty pages of new licensing regulations for performing abortions, whether in a clinic or in a physician's private practice. The document stipulated that temperatures be maintained between a strict four degree margin, employees be banned from working if they have so much as an ordinary cold, bathrooms be installed with alarm systems, and literally hundreds of other costly, time-consuming and unnecessary requirements.

"[T]here is not a single word, a single sentence that will do anything to improve the health care of women seeking an abortion in South Carolina," testified Dr. Buffkin during a 1998 U.S. District Court trial, when the Center for Reproductive Rights and several South Carolina abortion clinics and providers challenged the restrictions.

The Center for Reproductive Rights argued that the implementation of the stringent code is, rather, a legislative ploy to decrease the availability of abortion in the state and to stigmatize abortion providers. "The regulation singles out abortion providers for regulatory burdens and regulatory costs that are not placed on the providers of comparable care," argued the Center for Reproductive Rights' staff attorney Bonnie Scott Jones.

Even the defense did not dispute the fact that first trimester abortions are one of the safest surgical procedures that can be performed. Nor was South Carolina experiencing a public health problem related to the provision of abortions by licensed physicians when the regulations were drafted.

Judge William B. Traxler, Jr., who presided over the federal court hearing, said the regulations "would seem to appear reasonable at first blush, but fail upon closer examination." For instance, while the provision for tuberculin skin testing would appear very reasonable from a public health standpoint, he observed that the "DHEC has not required such testing of all health care personnel - choosing instead to impose the costly testing only upon clinics and physicians that perform abortions on a regular basis." Furthermore, he noted that some of the provisions "border on the absurd," specifically citing the requirements that the entire facility be kept free from unspecified odors and all outside areas be kept free of grass and weeds.

In a carefully reasoned judgement issued in January 1999, Judge Traxler struck down the regulations as unconstitutional. However, last August the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit ruled 2-1 to reverse Traxler's decision. The Center for Reproductive Rights is now in the process of petitioning the Supreme Court to take up the case next year.

The South Carolina regulations were devised shortly after the 1994 election of Governor David Beasley, who had promised during his campaign to make abortion unavailable in the state by regulating it out of business. Anti-choice TRAPs have surfaced elsewhere, as well. The Center for Reproductive Rights is currently challenging similar regulatory schemes in Tennessee, Texas and Louisiana, arguing that the laws violate at least two protections of the U.S. Constitution - the right to privacy and the guarantee of equal protection of the laws.

One of the most unsettling regulations in the South Carolina code allows DHEC inspectors access to patients' medical records, an invasion of doctor/patient confidentiality. Another requires a woman seeking an abortion to provide the name of her spouse, "which imposes a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman who, for personal reasons, may wish not to disclose this information," wrote Judge Traxler in his decision.

But what's most disturbing about the burdensome regulations is that they, in fact, harm women's health. By shutting down local clinics or increasing the cost of an abortion, many women are forced to put off the procedure until they can travel the greater distance or cover the higher expense. And health risks increase with the later gestational date that a women undergoes a procedure.

- Ann Farmer

The 30-pages of new licensing requirements for South Carolina abortion providers includes:

  • The procedure rooms and the recovery room(s) shall be provided a minimum of six air changes per hour.
  • Temperatures in the procedure and recovery rooms must be maintained between 72 and 76 degrees Fahrenheit.
  • Patients must undergo testing for chlamydia and gonorrhea.
  • Mechanically operated systems shall be used to supply air to and exhaust air from soiled workrooms or soiled storage areas, janitor's closets, toilet rooms and from spaces that are not provided with operable windows or outside doors.

To read the petition filed to the U.S. Supreme Court, see Court Filings.

On the Docket

Louisiana Abortion Ban Permanently Blocked

Indiana's Medicaid Restrictions Unconstitutional

Louisiana Abortion Ban Permanently Blocked

Current Status: On October 26, 2000, U.S. District Court Judge Sarah S. Vance of the Eastern District of Louisiana entered an order granting a permanent injunction against a 1999 Louisiana statute that banned most abortions after 21 weeks of pregnancy. The judge's order immediately followed a decision from the state attorney general's office not to oppose the Center for Reproductive Rights' motion to strike down the ban.

Background: On July 9, 1999, Governor Mike Foster signed into law SB 1031, which defined fetal viability at 22 weeks of pregnancy and banned abortions starting at that point with very narrow exceptions. Days later, Judge Vance issued a temporary restraining order that prevented the law from taking effect. The state later agreed to put off further action in the case until the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Stenberg v. Carhart. The Center for Reproductive Rights' win in that case (the Court struck down Nebraska's so-called "partial-birth abortion" ban) resulted in a similar victory against Louisiana's "partial-birth abortion" ban. At that point, the State agreed to proceed in the viability case.

While the viability law banned most abortions after 21 weeks of pregnancy, medical practitioners generally agree that viability begins somewhere between 23 -28 weeks of pregnancy as measured from the woman's last menstrual period. The law also included a hospitalization requirement and method ban for all abortions after 21 weeks. The law did not provide legal protections for post-viability abortions necessary to preserve the life and health of the woman, in direct violation of Roe v. Wade.

Plaintiffs in Causeway Medical Suite v. Foster (Civil No. 99-2119) include Causeway Medical Suite, Bossier City Medical Suite, Hope Medical Group for Women, Delta Women's Clinic, Women's Health Clinic, James DeGuerce, M.D., and A. James Whitmore III, M.D. They are represented by Priscilla Smith and Julie Rikelman of the Center for Reproductive Rights, along with cooperating counsel William Rittenberg of the New Orleans firm Rittenberg & Samuel.

Indiana's Medicaid Restrictions Unconstitutional

Current Status: In an order issued on October 18, 2000, a superior court judge ruled Indiana's near-ban on Medicaid coverage for low-income women's abortions unconstitutional. Judge Susan Macey Thompson agreed with the Center for Reproductive Rights' contention that when the state chooses to provide funding for medically necessary pregnancy-related care, it must also provide funding for medically necessary abortions.

Background: On August 16, 1999, the Center for Reproductive Rights filed a lawsuit in state court challenging Indiana's prohibition on Medicaid coverage for low-income women's abortions. Women on Medicaid are routinely denied medical care for pregnancy termination except in the rare instance that the pregnancy is life-threatening or is the result of rape or incest. Lawyers from the Center for Reproductive Rights asserted that this near-ban on Medicaid coverage is invalid under several provisions of the Indiana Constitution, which provides greater protection for women's reproductive choices than the U.S. Constitution.

Following this decision, fifteen out of twenty-one state courts that have considered near-bans on abortion funding similar to Indiana's have determined that the states must provide coverage for all medically necessary abortions.

Plaintiffs in Clinic for Women. v. Humphreys (Cause No. 49D12-9908-MI-1137) include Clinic for Women, Inc., Women's Pavilion, Inc., Ulrich G. Klopfer, D.O., and Martin Haskell, M.D. They are represented by Brigitte Amiri and Bebe Anderson from the Center for Reproductive Rights, along with local cooperating counsel Mary Hoeller of White & Raub.

- Suzanne Grossman | |